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CHAPTER ONE GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1.1. BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
Aristotle many years ago asserted that it is the nature of man to know: in other words, every man seeks to know. In fact, philosophical activity started out of the spirit of wonder when men were no longer satisfied with the mythological explanation of reality. It was their curiosity that sparked off this enormous discipline man is awed by the stand back of mystery of the universe. Man stand back and ask himself question in order to understand the universe. Man has ever been in search of the knowledge of the world. What is knowledge, what is its nature and scope, are questions that have attracted philosophers from various orientation or schools of thought.
The western philosophical tradition has been divided sharply on what constitutes the source of knowledge namely: Rationalism and Empiricism. Unfortunately, this controversy has led to dualism in knowledge and consequence a bi-fraction of man should be considered as a metaphysical unit. Against this extremism in knowledge, African proposes another criterion of acquiring knowledge. Anyanwu has correctly observed that:
……any appeal to empirical and rational methods has no meaning and relevance unless we know the basic assumption about the African cultural reality we want to know1
The Africans as human being following the metaphysical imperative of human nature equally want to know, what is the nature of this knowledge? How do we come to know the things we claim to know? Does consciousness constitute a philosophical data, without which his life cannot begin in the first place?
It is in light of the above question that we have decided to carry out a research titled “knowledge in Traditional African Perspective”.
1.2. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
From time immemorial, knowledge and what ever constitutes its nature have been a topical issue and a problematic one in philosophical circle. The problem of knowledge arose in the past, more often than not, as a result of philosophers. Inability to seek for the unity of experience. This in no doubt led to the unfortunate controversy between Empiricism and Rationalism.
Since the advent of African professional mode of philosophizing. The African philosopher must get ready to examine the old controversy of epistemology. Rationalism and Empirical; one of the most recent problems that seem to be militating against progress in African philosophy today is the ontological status of African Epistemology. K.C. Anyanwu has argued that “the basic problem of any philosophy is epistemology or the theory of knowledge, that is the method which the mind must follow in order to arrive at the trust worthy knowledge of reality. Epistemology provides the basic premises with which other problems, namely metaphysics, religion, moral political and aesthetic doctrines can be approached”.2 Anyanwu therefore places knowledge as prior to being.
This is however a centesian way of philosophizing which has randomly been condemned by Ukagba in his unpublished doctoral dissertation (1993)3. For Ukagba, being is always prior to knowledge or else we fall into Reductio Absandum, knowledge is the knowledge of somebody, a being. The being who must cognize must exist first before the act of cognition and this is why Ukagba asserts that ontology or metaphysics comes before Epistemology. We shall examine the premises of these different positions in this research in order to find where the truth lies.
1.3 SCOPE OF THE STUDY
In the scope of this study, we shall seek to limit ourselves to those areas, which will enable ‘en bloc’ give the research a justifiable treatment. Since the research concerns Africans, it should be limited to how the African conceives the nature of his knowledge, his community knowledge and in the last analysis the ultimate knowledge. However, when necessary reference can also be made to western knowledge as ways of comparing and contrasting
1.4 PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The first purpose here is to bring stability in the various conceptions and notion about how the African knows the things he clams to know.
Secondly, it is also our intention to show that any attempt to approach African theory of knowledge from the ambit of western Rationalism and Emperialism, will be a fruitless exercise.
Finally, it is also our intention to emphasis once again the relevance of metaphysics albeit African ontology as the only condition sine quo non for African Epistemology. With these three purposes in mind, it will become easier to focus properly on the nature of African theory of knowledge.
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The importance of this research centers on the present need to put the perception of the African man in proper perspective. Having been beaten out of ontological psychological and economic shapes, due to centuries of colonialism, exploitation and humiliation. It becomes necessary to recover the authentic African, the basis of his knowledge.4 The inter-relatedness and limit of this knowledge will go a long way towards understanding the ‘being’ of the African.
1.6 METHODOLOGY
Our methodology shall follow a gradually unfolding of ‘being’ through exposing, analyzing classifying, synthesizing and evaluating its part in its entire ramification since the nature of African epistemology is not yet clear to all and sundry. It therefore becomes imperative that it should be exposed first before analyzing. The analytical method will enable us to clarify the various concepts like truth. We shall be making us of such concepts truth, wisdom, e.t.c in this research essay.
Equally through the synthetic method, we shall seek together the various views expressed so far with regards to the nature of African Epistemology. In the last analysis, we shall evaluate the nature of African Epistemology and other theories. These various methodologies will help in presenting our research in scientific light.
1.7. LIMITATION OF STUDY
The researchers’ scope is going to be African conception of knowledge. We will however, limit ourselves to the conception of truth, wisdom, what is knowable and that which is not knowable, amongst others in the African context. One major limitation of this essay is the non-viability of recent literature on the issue under discourse.
REFERENCES AND NOTES
- E.A. Ruch and K.C. Anyanwu, African Philosophy; An Introduction to the Main Philosophical Trends in Contemporary Africa,(Rome: catholic Book Agency 1981) p.82.
- G.U .Ukagba, “A philosophical Examination of African concept of man with Reference to the Igbo of south-East of Nigeria” (unpublished doctoral thesis Department of Philosophy, Catholic University of Louvain, 1993), P. 98.
CHAPTER ONE GENERAL INTRODUCTION 1.1. BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY Aristotle many years ago asserted that it is the nature of man to know: in other words, every man seeks to know. In fact, philosophical activity started out of the spirit of wonder when men were no longer satisfied with the mythological explanation of reality. It was their curiosity that sparked off this enormous discipline man is awed by the stand back of mystery of the universe. Man stand back and ask himself question in order to understand the universe. Man has ever been in search of the knowledge of the world. What is knowledge, what is its nature and scope, are questions that have attracted philosophers from various orientation or schools of thought. The western philosophical tradition has been divided sharply on what constitutes the source of knowledge namely: Rationalism and Empiricism. Unfortunately, this controversy has led to dualism in knowledge and consequence a bi-fraction of man should be considered as a metaphysical unit. Against this extremism in knowledge, African proposes another criterion of acquiring knowledge. Anyanwu has correctly observed that: ……any appeal to empirical and rational methods has no meaning and relevance unless we know the basic assumption about the African cultural reality we want to know1 The Africans as human being following the metaphysical imperative of human nature equally want to know, what is the nature of this knowledge? How do we come to know the things we claim to know? Does consciousness constitute a philosophical data, without which his life cannot begin in the first place? It is in light of the above question that we have decided to carry out a research titled “knowledge in Traditional African Perspective”. 1.2. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM From time immemorial, knowledge and what ever constitutes its nature have been a topical issue and a problematic one in philosophical circle. The problem of knowledge arose in the past, more often than not, as a result of philosophers. Inability to seek for the unity of experience. This in no doubt led to the unfortunate controversy between Empiricism and Rationalism. Since the advent of African professional mode of philosophizing. The African philosopher must get ready to examine the old controversy of epistemology. Rationalism and Empirical; one of the most recent problems that seem to be militating against progress in African philosophy today is the ontological status of African Epistemology. K.C. Anyanwu has argued that “the basic problem of any philosophy is epistemology or the theory of knowledge, that is the method which the mind must follow in order to arrive at the trust worthy knowledge of reality. Epistemology provides the basic premises with which other problems, namely metaphysics, religion, moral political and aesthetic doctrines can be approached”.2 Anyanwu therefore places knowledge as prior to being. This is however a centesian way of philosophizing which has randomly been condemned by Ukagba in his unpublished doctoral dissertation (1993)3. For Ukagba, being is always prior to knowledge or else we fall into Reductio Absandum, knowledge is the knowledge of somebody, a being. The being who must cognize must exist first before the act of cognition and this is why Ukagba asserts that ontology or metaphysics comes before Epistemology. We shall examine the premises of these different positions in this research in order to find where the truth lies. 1.3 SCOPE OF THE STUDY In the scope of this study, we shall seek to limit ourselves to those areas, which will enable ‘en bloc’ give the research a justifiable treatment. Since the research concerns Africans, it should be limited to how the African conceives the nature of his knowledge, his community knowledge and in the last analysis the ultimate knowledge. However, when necessary reference can also be made to western knowledge as ways of comparing and contrasting 1.4 PURPOSE OF THE STUDY The first purpose here is to bring stability in the various conceptions and notion about how the African knows the things he clams to know. Secondly, it is also our intention to show that any attempt to approach African theory of knowledge from the ambit of western Rationalism and Emperialism, will be a fruitless exercise. Finally, it is also our intention to emphasis once again the relevance of metaphysics albeit African ontology as the only condition sine quo non for African Epistemology. With these three purposes in mind, it will become easier to focus properly on the nature of African theory of knowledge. 1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY The importance of this research centers on the present need to put the perception of the African man in proper perspective. Having been beaten out of ontological psychological and economic shapes, due to centuries of colonialism, exploitation and humiliation. It becomes necessary to recover the authentic African, the basis of his knowledge.4 The inter-relatedness and limit of this knowledge will go a long way towards understanding the ‘being’ of the African. 1.6 METHODOLOGY Our methodology shall follow a gradually unfolding of ‘being’ through exposing, analyzing classifying, synthesizing and evaluating its part in its entire ramification since the nature of African epistemology is not yet clear to all and sundry. It therefore becomes imperative that it should be exposed first before analyzing. The analytical method will enable us to clarify the various concepts like truth. We shall be making us of such concepts truth, wisdom, e.t.c in this research essay. Equally through the synthetic method, we shall seek together the various views expressed so far with regards to the nature of African Epistemology. In the last analysis, we shall evaluate the nature of African Epistemology and other theories. These various methodologies will help in presenting our research in scientific light. 1.7. LIMITATION OF STUDY The researchers’ scope is going to be African conception of knowledge. We will however, limit ourselves to the conception of truth, wisdom, what is knowable and that which is not knowable, amongst others in the African context. One major limitation of this essay is the non-viability of recent literature on the issue under discourse. REFERENCES AND NOTES E.A. Ruch and K.C. Anyanwu, African Philosophy; An Introduction to the Main Philosophical Trends in Contemporary Africa,(Rome: catholic Book Agency 1981) p.82. G.U .Ukagba, “A philosophical Examination of African concept of man with Reference to the Igbo of south-East of Nigeria” (unpublished doctoral thesis Department of Philosophy, Catholic University of Louvain, 1993), P. 98.
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ABSTRACT Foreign and domestic policy issues are related products of the same political system and are designed to define and implement overall national purposes. Foreign and domestic policy must be mutually supporting if national policy aspirations are to be achieved in an atmosphere of political stability. The research was carried out on the impacts of domestic politics in Nigeria’s foreign policy using a case study method with a focus on General Murtala Obasanjo’s military administration (1975 – 1979). The review of literature on foreign policy and other related material and the adoption of “Realist Theory” which is anchored on interest led us to the conclusion that Nigeria’s seeming inaction during the period of study was an acknowledgement of the limits of its power. Against this background the study concludes that Nigeria’s foreign policy has since independence been consistently guided by the same principles and objectives. Nigeria’s Foreign Policy initiatives and actions have been defined by one firm and constant variable, i.e the protection of the country’s national interest. As a panacea, the study recommended, above all, that Nigeria must involve a “home grown” economic policy and honestly abode by its implementation. CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1 Historical Background Of Nigerian Foreign Policy A study in Nigeria’s foreign policy over time has quite often under – scored the potency of its domestic contents. Notable scholars on Nigerian external relations such as Akinyemi, Aluko, Gambari, Birai etc demonstrated the influence of domestic conditions on the country’s attitude and behaviour to other actors in the international system. The influence of domestic politics on Nigeria’s foreign policy was made obvious to the international community on 1st October, 1960, by the then first Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa himself in a moving address to the United Nations General Assembly in New York. He observed that: Nigeria does not intend to ally itself as a member of routine with any of the ideological power blocs and Nigeria hopes to work with other states for the Progress of Africa and to assist in bringing all other African territories to a state of responsible independence Given the domestic nature and the country’s size and at the same time natural resources, it was assumed that Nigeria would play a leading role in the continent of Africa. Some scholars even spoke of the country’s “manifest destiny” to lead Africa surrounded by small and weak states. Abubakar, O.S reviewing Gambari said that; the first phase, one of uncertainty and timidity of Nigerian Foreign Policy coincided with the period of the First Republic (1960 – 65). The major issue at that time were the official foreign policy declaration itself; the Anglo Nigerian Defence pact, the Congo Crisis and African Unity; Negotiations for associate status with the European Economic Community (EEC): the Rhodesian Crisis and Common Wealth relations; and the Arab – Israeli antagonism and the search for a cohesive policy towards the middle east. Nigeria throughout this period operated a Pro- West foreign policy disposition. The conservative nature in her external relations was dictated by Nigerian Federalism which profess three strong regions with a weak centre. Prime Minister Balewa then had a constitutional authority which was not always matched by the political power needed to override these divergent groups encroachment upon Nigeria’s foreign policy. The coming together of the two parties i.e Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) and National Council for Nigerian and Cameroon (NCNC) which formed a coalition government then forced the Balewa government to make adjustment in order to keep the partnership viable. Consequently, Nigerian foreign policy during the 1960 – 65 period was less dynamic than it would have been if the NCNC had been solely responsible. By the same token, it was far more assertive, Pan Africanist and neutralist especially on the Middle – East than it would have been if the NPC had exclusive control. The need to adjust in order to accommodate the sometimes contrasting views of the governing parties and save the alliance, made Balewa’s foreign policy liable to such criticism as lacking in consistent imagination and dynamism and characterized by Ad – hoc decision making which tended to be contradictory and self – defeating. The second phase of Nigerian Foreign Policy was the period between 1966 – 1975 under which a lot of changes took place at the domestic political level. The Nigerian external relation was marked by active, positive and influential role especially in the continent. The fragile nature of the Federalism was replaced by a stronger centre with 12 states constituting the Federating Unit. The assertion of the military rule under General Yakubu Gowon dramatically changed the dimension of authority Domestic politics and Nigerian Foreign Policy. The discovery of oil boom also assisted in great measure in allowing the country to play more decisive leadership role in World affairs, as it increased the revenue accruing to the Federal government. The previous low keyed, resistant and often apologetic approach to African affairs had to be changed. The aftermath of Biafra experience was also instructive as the country came up with a coherent policy to her fellow African countries. The integrative efforts of Gowon with the establishment of ECOWAS and the financial and moral assistance to neighbouring West African countries were remarkable. Nigeria’s extension of hand of fellowship to the Eastern block countries such as China and Soviet Union was seen as a policy shift from the earlier position. The country played a frontline role in Southern Africa problems by increasing financial and other assistance to the Liberation Movement there. Gowon’s active role in Africa later earned the country the chairmanship of OAU. Similarly, Nigeria led other African countries in breaking diplomaticties with Israel in the wake of the latter’s hostility against Egypt. The nature of the regime and its domestic economic condition explained fundamentally the drastic change in Nigeria’s diplomatic style under General Gowon. General Gowon was overthrown in a bloodless coup in July, 1975. A momentous shift of Foreign policy position was however achieved under the General Murtala/Obasanjo regime. This is one administration whose foreign policy posture was characterized by dynamism as the regime strove to move the country’s foreign policy to a more truly non – aligned position particularly within the six months of Murtala’s rule. The regime’s bold move to recognize MPLA in Angola and the memorable speech to the OAU extra – ordinary Summit Conference at Addis – Ababa in January, 1976 remains a remarkable turning point. Three main factors have been identified as being responsible for this dynamic posture. The first factor is that of increased revenue due to the oil wealth. The other two factors are the character of the leadership itself and the institutional re-organization of the foreign policy making process that took place during this time. The next phase in the development of Nigerian Foreign Policy came with the return to civilian rule (1979 – 1983). The external policy of the Shagari administration is comparable only to that of the Balewa Era. Some scholars and commentators consider the Second Republic as having “engendered retrogression” in the country’s foreign policy resulting from its Pro – Western policy. For sure, the period of retrogression began during the Obasanjo regime when the country experienced a “return to subservience” The major factor explaining the retrogressive nature of the country’s foreign policy during the period is found in the character of the leadership. The National Party of Nigeria (NPN) was made up of the most aristocratic, conservative businessmen and a sprinkle of academicians of the same mould. Most of them have economic and social links with the elite of the Western World even if at a peripheral level. This among others made it difficult for them to formulate an independent foreign policy which might necessitate occasional disagreement with the Western powers. Moreover, the nature of Nigeria’s mono – cultural economy with its sole dependence on oil was such that by 1979, the country’s level of integration into the World capitalist system by transitional interests was enhanced as represented by the oil companies. Between 1981 – 1982, the country total export had declined considerably by 34.5 percent and the monthly import bill reached the one billion mark just one year after Shagari took over. Invariably, the regime could not keep to its electoral promises to the people. On the foreign arena, the regime could not maintain the momentum of those progressive actions taken since Murtala Mohammed came to power that continued to enjoy the support of the informed elites. Indeed, there was recourse to the old order of passive and reactionary posture in Nigerian Foreign Policy as manifested in the country’s policy on the Chadian Crisis, OAU and ECOWAS. It was abysmal lack of focus and inability of the regime to respond to the various domestic demands that precipitated the collapse of the 2nd Republic with the overthrow of the government by the Buhari led military Junta in December, 1983. The coming to power of this administration was very much welcomed by the Nigerian public. This was largely due to the total disaster of the Shagari administration. The new government was well received more so as it claimed to have been the offshoot of Murtala administration. The administration came with the purpose of restructuring and bringing the economy back to sound footing. It also vigorously sought to institutionalize a new ethic of National leadership based on discipline, public accountability and integrity. There was also more commitment to the polisaro and recognition of the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic. Other policy issues, particularly the expulsion of aliens and the closure of Nigerian borders were received with mixed feelings by the neighbouring countries. However, Buhari’s anti – West Posture was remarkable, as it demonstrated its autonomy and status in decision making. Nigeria’s diplomatic relations with such powers as United States and United Kingdom became ruptured. In all these instances, Nigeria demonstrated to the rest of the World that she was not ready to take insults or directive from any country big or small, The regime at the end suffered “Support Erosion” with its human right abuses, a situation which made it easy for it to be overthrown. The Babangida government that succeeded the Buhari regime was described as a Liberal/benevolent military regime especially at its infancy. The administration like its predecessor was committed to economic restructuring which informed its choice of the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP). The programme had adverse effects on the life of Nigerians, and as expected had serious implications on the country’s external relations. The regime’s handling of the bombing of Libya by the USA was heavily criticized so also was the regime’s OIC policy which almost precipitated serious internal upheaval. It was apparent that the government under the guise of economic diplomacy succeeded in playing into the hands of the Western powers as its economic programme could be said to be anything but humane. The failure of Babangida to respect the peoples mandate with the annulment of the June 12 Presidential election’s result, after endless political transition led to the demise of the regime. Following the annulment of June 12 presidential election in 1993, the interim government which was put in place by General Babangida on 26th, August, 1993 did not enjoy the support of a wide range of Nigerians. General Sani Abacha’s intervention on 17th November, 1993 was therefore very timely and inevitable given Nigeria’s drift towards anarchy and disintegration During the Abacha regime, development between China and Nigeria was one of the most prominent aspects of the shift in Nigeria’s foreign policy. At this time Nigeria and China entered into different agreements, which allowed China to become involved in oil production, refurbishment of the long – neglected Nigeria Railway Corporation, the dredging of Seaports at Calabar and Warri and the development of Mass – housing projects.5 Abacha’s foreign policy thrust shifted to Asia, failing to realize that in a globalized world, aligning Nigeria with Asia alone is inadequate. The political heat from both home and abroad continued until Abacha died on 8th June, 1998. Following the death of Abacha, General Abubakar Abdulsalam (rtd) took over as the Head of State of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. He succeeded in conducting a peaceful, free and fair election that finally brought Olusegun Obasanjo as the President and Commander-in- Chief of the Nigerian Armed Forces on May 29, 1999. Obasanjo’s foreign policy under democratic rule has been underlined by Nigeria’s return to a place of prestige in the International Community. Particularly of interest in this research is the influence of domestic politics on Nigeria’s foreign policy under Obasanjo’s Civilian administration (1999 – 2003). 1.2 Objective of Study To assess the internal factors that affect Nigeria’s foreign policy. To examine the principles of globalisation and how it affects the country To examine the different government response to position the country in the world by formulating policies to take advantage of globalisation and the challenges facing them. To examine how the forces of globalisation has restrained Nigeria’s foreign policy and economy? To examine the influence of Domestic politics on Nigeria’s foreign policy under Murtala/Obasanjo’s militarys administration. To proffer solutions on how to improve on Nigeria’s foreign policy. 1.3 Significance of Study The study reviews Nigeria’s military rule in 1975-1979 and how it led to improved country image abroad and allowed the country to take more active and productive roles regionally and on the global stage, Murtala/Obasanjo however has travelled to many parts of the world to restore Nigeria’s poor economic implementation led to the breakdown of relations. However this study will contribute to the growing body of knowledge in globalisation and its linkage with foreign policy and will therefore aid researchers who might want to carry out research in related areas. 1.4 Scope and Limitation The study examines the linkage between foreign policy and globalisation under the Murtala/Obasanjo regime in the period of (1975-1979). It is also limited in part to the information available from books, journals, books and internet resources. It shall be within the frame work of the economic policies with the international community. 1.5 Research Methodology For the development of this work and its relevance or contribution to existing works, Articles, text books were consulted. Data which contributes to the development of this research was also gathered. This research work will make use of historical research method. Hence, findings from secondary sources are sourced; the secondary sources include written documents such as government publications, documentaries and newspapers. Added to these are descriptive accounts of experts on the impact of globalization and domestic politics on Nigeria’s foreign policy. Desk study will also be made with those considered authorities in the field of history, political science and international relations to complement the other sources. Furthermore, this research work depends largely on archival materials both online and offline. Official publications cited on the websites will also be used. Books, journal articles, conference proceedings, seminar papers and finally other related publications will be used in gathering secondary information for this research. 1.6 Literature Review For the purpose of this research we shall make use of the principle of dependency theory which appeared in the 1950s as a critical reaction to the conventional approaches to economic development that emerged in the aftermath of World War II. According to Dos Santos, 2002, there are two dependency theory traditions. The first is the Marxist influenced by Paul Baran and Paul Sweezy, and developed by André Gunder Frank with important ramifications in the works of Samir Amin, Theotônio dos Santos, Arghiri Emmanuel, and Aníbal Quijano. The second dependency tradition is associated to the Structuralist school that builds on the work of Raúl Prebisch, Celso Furtado and Aníbal Pinto at the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). The dependence theory believes that developing countries depend on the developed countries for support. The poorer countries are underprivileged. The dependence theory shall be utilized in analyzing Nigeria and its developmental policies in the face of a globalizing world. Both groups would agree that at the core of the dependency relation between center and periphery lays the inability of the periphery to develop an autonomous and dynamic process of technological innovation. The lack of technological dynamism, and the difficulties associated with the transfer of technological knowledge are the main cause of the underdevelopment of the periphery with respect to the center. The main contention between the two groups was ultimately related to the possibilities of economic development in the periphery. The existing wide disparities between the developed and the underdeveloped economies make globalization a tool for dampening the industrialization process, and by extension, retarding the growth and development of underdeveloped economies. Trade liberalization, the cardinal instrument of globalization ensures that industrialized countries have access to world markets, which enhances further industrialization of industrialized countries while incapacitating the industrialization process of the underdeveloped economies. (Omotere, 2010). References Abubakar, O.S “Domestic Conditions and Foreign Policy: Nigeria after the 3rd Republic” (Memmnat) Plaza, Abuja – November, 2004 pp 2. Muhammed, B.G The impact of Domestic politics on Nigeria’s foreign policy (1993 – 2002) MIAD Project (unpublished) A.B.U. Zaria, 2002. Gambari, I. A. Theory and Reality in Foreign Policy Making: Nigeria after the Second Republic (Atlantic Highland, Humanities Press International, 1989) pp. 139 Yunusa, M.H. A comparative study of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy under Obasanjo Military and civilian administration (1976 – 1979) and (1999 – 2003). M. Sc Thesis, Department of Political Science, A.B.U, Zaria (Unpublished) January, 2006. Morgenthau, H Politics Among Nations: 5th edition, revised edition (USA) 1973.Pp2 Hammon, R(eds) 1978. Quantitative Technique Geography, (Oxford University Press) London.Methodology: get complete material to enable
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